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		<title>Balkanalysis.com Announces Summer Hiatus</title>
		<link>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2008/08/03/balkanalysiscom-announces-summer-hiatus/</link>
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		<pubDate>Sun, 03 Aug 2008 21:39:01 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[Balkanalysis.com would like to announce to its readers that the website will be going on annual summer hiatus from today, August 3rd. The publishing of new articles will resume next month.]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Balkanalysis.com would like to announce to its readers that the website will be going on annual summer hiatus from today, August 3<sup>rd</sup>. The publishing of new articles will resume next month.</p>
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		<title>News from Balkanalysis.com: Summer Recess, New Books, Essential Articles</title>
		<link>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/08/16/news-from-balkanalysiscom-summer-recess-new-books-essential-articles/</link>
		<comments>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/08/16/news-from-balkanalysiscom-summer-recess-new-books-essential-articles/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 16 Aug 2007 20:04:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Albania]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bosnia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bulgaria]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Greece]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kosovo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Macedonia]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Romania]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/08/16/news-from-balkanalysiscom-summer-recess-new-books-essential-articles/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Balkanalysis.com would like to inform its readers that the site will be on summer recess through September. Look for new articles and photos to be posted then. Until we€šÃ„Ã´re back, readers may like to check out two new books from Balkanalysis.com director Christopher Deliso, and to peruse the archive- as well as new hand-picked essential [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Balkanalysis.com would like to inform its readers that the site will be on summer recess through September. Look for new articles and photos to be posted then. Until we€šÃ„Ã´re back, readers may like to check out two new books from Balkanalysis.com director Christopher Deliso, and to peruse the archive- as well as new hand-picked essential background articles presented for you below.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><strong><span lang="EN-US">The first new book</span></strong><span lang="EN-US">, <em><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Coming-Balkan-Caliphate-Threat-Radical/dp/0275995259/balkanalysisc-20">The Coming Balkan Caliphate: The Threat of Radical Islam to Europe and the West</a></em>, published by Praeger Security International, details in depth the sordid story of how Western interventions in the Balkans during the 1990&#8242;s directly allowed foreign Islamic terrorist groups to set up shop- and how Western policy since has created a climate in which extremist groups can thrive, boding ill for regional security.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">A work of unprecedented depth, <em><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Coming-Balkan-Caliphate-Threat-Radical/dp/0275995259/balkanalysisc-20">The Coming Balkan Caliphate</a></em> analyzes the situation on a country-by-country basis, and will be useful for general-interest €šÃ„Ã²beginners€šÃ„Ã´ to Balkan issues and experienced professionals alike. Relying on five years of field research and dozens of interviews with ranking security officials from several Western and regional countries, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Coming-Balkan-Caliphate-Threat-Radical/dp/0275995259/balkanalysisc-20">The Coming Balkan Caliphate</a> dispels myths and enhances our knowledge of the emerging extremist threat coming from the Balkans.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><strong><span lang="EN-US">The second new book</span></strong><span lang="EN-US">, <em><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Hidden-Macedonia-Armchair-Traveler/dp/1905791046/balkanalysisc-20">Hidden Macedonia: The Mystic Lakes of Ohrid and Prespa</a></em>, is a travelogue out now from London&#8217;s Haus Publishing, which details the author&#8217;s circular journey around Lakes Prespa and Ohrid, through Greece, Albania and the Republic  of Macedonia. Along the way, the history, culture and contemporary life of the great Macedonian lakes are intertwined with a little adventure, camaraderie and good food and drink. <em><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Hidden-Macedonia-Armchair-Traveler/dp/1905791046/balkanalysisc-20">Hidden Macedonia</a></em> will appeal to travelers looking forward to visiting the region, or those who are content to imagine the Macedonian lakes from afar.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Finally, here is a list of <strong>twelve original and essential articles</strong> (in no particular order). All are among those published over the last year, and will enhance readers€šÃ„Ã´ knowledge and help tide you over until we return from summer recess.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Thanks for your understanding and continued reading.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">-Balkanalysis.com</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/05/26/the-strategic-significance-of-greek-thrace-current-dynamics-and-emerging-factors/">The Strategic Significance of Greek Thrace: Current Dynamics and Emerging Factors</a> (Ioannis Michaletos &amp; Christopher Deliso)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/12/02/turkey-why-a-coup-soft-or-hard-is-unlikely-in-2007/">Turkey: Why a Coup, Soft or Hard is Unlikely in 2007</a> (Mehmet Kalyoncu, December 2, 2006)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/12/22/estimating-yugoslavia/">Estimating Yugoslavia</a>, (David Binder, December 22, 2006)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/10/02/in-macedonia-new-concerns-over-rural-fundamentalism/">In Macedonia, New Concerns over Rural Fundamentalism</a> (Christopher Deliso, October 2, 2006)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/05/15/bulgaria-to-finally-open-secret-files/">Bulgaria To Finally Open Secret Files</a> (Jan Buruma, May 15, 2007)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/11/17/a-brief-travelers-guide-to-sarajevos-local-traditions/">A Brief Travelers€šÃ„Ã´ Guide to Sarajevo&#8217;s Local Traditions</a>, (Lidija JulariÆ’Ã¡, November 17, 2006)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/06/22/exclusive-how-the-us-ordered-increased-activity-against-macedonia%e2%80%99s-islamists-after-the-fort-dix-arrests/">Exclusive: How the US Ordered Increased Activity against Macedonia&#8217;s Islamists after the Fort Dix Arrests</a> (Balkanalysis.com, June 22, 2007)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/01/20/turkey-europe%e2%80%99s-emerging-energy-corridor-for-central-eurasian-caucasian-and-caspian-oil-and-gas/">Turkey: Europe&#8217;s Emerging Energy Corridor for Central Eurasian, Caucasian and Caspian Oil and Gas</a> (Mehmet Efe Biresselioglu, January 20, 2007)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/09/27/varieties-of-religious-experience-in-a-macedonian-village/">Varieties of Religious Experience in a Macedonian Village</a> (Christopher Deliso, September 27, 2006)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/11/29/the-hijacking-of-a-nation-part-1-the-foreign-agent-factor/">The Hijacking of a Nation</a> <span> </span>(Sibel Edmonds, November 29, 2006) </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/01/05/wahhabis-in-labunista-antagonize-locals-as-new-details-emerge-about-italian-arrests/">Wahhabis in Labunista Antagonize Locals, as New Details Emerge about Italian Arrests</a>, (Balkanalysis.com, January 5, 2007)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/12/12/greece-turkey-and-balkan-security-interview-with-john-m-nomikos/">Greece, Turkey and Balkan Security: Interview with John M. Nomikos</a> (Balkanalysis.com, December 12, 2006)</span></p>
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		<title>Security and Politics in Albania: A Limitation of Civil Liberties?</title>
		<link>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/03/25/security-and-politics-in-albania-a-limitation-of-civil-liberties/</link>
		<comments>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2007/03/25/security-and-politics-in-albania-a-limitation-of-civil-liberties/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 25 Mar 2007 09:00:21 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Albania]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Other Balkan Articles]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[By Ioannis Michaletos and Stavros Markos* The government in Tirana has, over the past few months, imposed new domestic security policies in order to curb an increase in criminal networks and their activities. At the same time, international bodies, namely the EU and NATO &#8212; entities which Albania wishes to join in the future &#8212; [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em><span lang="EN-US">By Ioannis Michaletos and Stavros Markos*</span></em></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">The government in Tirana has, over the past few months, imposed new domestic security policies <a href="http://www.rferl.org/reports/balkan-report/2006/04/4-250406.asp">in order to curb</a> an increase in <a href="http://www.twq.com/autumn99/224Cilluffo.pdf">criminal networks</a> and their activities. At the same time, international bodies, namely the EU and NATO &#8212; entities which Albania wishes to join in the future &#8212; are worried about the country&#8217;s widespread corruption, and are <a href="http://www.delalb.cec.eu.int/en/eu_and_albania/cooperation.htm" class="broken_link">pressuring</a> Albania to reconstruct its judicial system so as to combat crime of all sorts.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">The <a href="http://www.parlament.al/">Albanian Parliament</a> has thus enacted a series of remedial bills, which some analysts predict will lead to an infringement of democratic processes in the country. However, international aid to the security sphere in Albania has as a main target the curtailing of organized crime and terrorism, and not the imposition of a totalitarian state structure that would seek to emulate <a href="http://www.hrw.org/summaries/s.albania963.html" class="broken_link">the Hoxha regime</a> that dominated Albania during the Cold War years.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Of specific concern is the law for surveillance and electronic correspondence. This law was passed in 2005, due to pressure that Albania encountered from foreign agencies such as the CIA, MI6 and <a href="http://www.worldpress.org/Europe/2705.cfm">EUROPOL</a>, which were reportedly concerned by the continued interrelation between organized crime and Islamic extremist within the state.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">The attorney general of Albania, Theodori Solakou, <a href="http://www.albania.de/alb/index.php?m=200510">has voiced his opinion</a> by stating that any conducting of electronic surveillance will adhere to standards of basic human rights protection. However, this has not reassured the public, which fears massive eavesdropping by the government, a phenomenon long experienced in many other countries in the region and the wider world.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Here it is interesting to note that one of the major telecom operators in the country is <a href="http://www.amc.al/about_amc.htm" class="broken_link">AMC</a>, an affiliate of the Greek state-controlled mobile provider, <a href="http://www.cosmote.gr/cosmote/cosmote.portal">Cosmote</a>. A possible scenario involving the Greek company and Albanian surveillance would of course be accusations made by Albanian politicians against Greece, claiming that this ownership would mean Greece would be the one controlling and benefiting from electronic surveillance of Albanians. The bilateral relations between the two states might be greatly hurt if such an incident involving AMC were to occur and become public, regardless of the actual law that provides this opportunity to the state. A similar incident <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_telephone_tapping_case_2004-2005">in Greece</a> with the company Vodafone &#8212; albeit in a different context &#8212; revealed the crucial role of mobile providers in modern-day eavesdropping.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">On a related front, in summer 2006 the Albanian Parliament voted for an extreme resolution that called for the banning of speedboats operating from all Albanian Adriatic ports, a bill known as &#8220;<a href="http://www.southeasteurope.org/subpage.php?sub_site=2&amp;id=16946&amp;head=if&amp;site=1">the Berisha moratorium</a>&#8221; after its most eager supporter, Prime Minister Sali Berisha.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">This sweeping law prohibits the use of speedboats by any Albanian citizen, as such vessels had been used for almost two decades very extensively in contraband activities between Albania and Southern Italy, particularly narcotics and human trafficking. However, along with the actual criminal culprits, quite a few law-abiding Albanians were forced into unemployment because they lost vital sources of income that depended on tourism or fishing interests.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">The real reason for the ban, however, was the visa/illegal immigration into Europe issue and the <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4877272.stm">relations</a> between Albania and the EU. A small detail usually left out from media coverage of the ban is that foreign-owned vessels are exempted from it, and also, as the <a href="http://www.southeasteurope.org/subpage.php?sub_site=2&amp;id=16946&amp;head=if&amp;site=1">BIRN Network</a> comments, a lull in speedboat trafficking has occurred anyway, because the smugglers have returned to traditional means of transport such as bus and trucks.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Another notable development relating to state security is the creation of a port security and anti-terrorist force for the <a href="http://www.southeasteurope.org/subpage.php?sub_site=2&amp;id=15938&amp;head=if&amp;site=1">port of Durres</a>. It has been initiated after an American report revealed that this particular Albanian city has one of the least safe ports in the world. The Albanian government promptly created a strong 78-man force to remedy this deficiency. It is likely that since amongst their duties is the protection of oil deposits and installations, the whole move is related to the proposed <a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/07/25/sofia-readies-for-pivotal-ambo-oil-pipeline-meeting/">AMBO pipeline</a> stretching from Burgas to Vlore and the prospect of Albania becoming a country of energy importance to Western Europe. Hence there is a clear need foe enhanced anti-terrorism forces and a modern security apparatus in the country.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Perhaps the real reason that Albania is implementing such harsh measures, measures that clearly impact on the everyday life of its citizens, is because of the enormous power of the <a href="http://www.fbi.gov/congress/congress03/ashley103003.htm">organized crime groups</a> entrenched in social and political life. During the Yugoslav wars of the 1990&#8242;s, successive Albanian administrations profited from the <a href="http://www.csd.bg/publications/book10/1.2.pdf" class="broken_link">oil smuggling</a> that supported the embargo-afflicted republics of the then-Yugoslavia.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Another key factor was state and criminal involvement in <a href="http://www.fas.org/irp/world/para/docs/fr033199.htm">the arming of Kosovo&#8217;s &#8220;liberation&#8217; army, the UCK</a>; the various &#8211;and <a href="http://www.janes.com/security/international_security/news/fr/fr030521_1_n.shtml" class="broken_link">often illegal</a>- international interests that coalesced throughout the Balkans in the 1990&#8242;s ensured the dramatic expansion of organized crime.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Lastly, the presence of extremist Islamic elements from the early 1990&#8242;s on alerted the West to other potential perils. Bin Laden himself reportedly <a href="http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/bomb162.htm">had visited Albania</a> during the mid-1990&#8242;s, and Islamic groups directed by state security chief Bashkim Gazidede, during the first Berisha regime, operated under the pretext of charity funds and international relief organizations. Foremost among these was the al Qaeda-linked Egyptian Islamic Jihad, reportedly rolled up in CIA-directed actions in 1998. However, the arrest of other extremists and asset freezes of entities in Tirana owned by Saudi mogul Yassin al-Qadi, whose assets in the US were also frozen, after 9/11 pointed to a persistence of Islamic activity. At present, the foreign-funded Islamists have become quieter and more clever, operating through think-tanks and choosing to proceed through &#8220;converting&#8217; mainstream Albanian Muslims to Saudi Wahhabism, particularly in poor rural areas.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">The larger Albanian public is more concerned, however, by the potential for state excess in terms of surveillance. The Albanian secret service has reportedly requested that the government enact a law by which all mobile phone subscribers would have a unique code, so as to be recognized instantly in case the state deems it necessary. Also, all telephone calls would be stored in a database for a period of three years, minimum.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Furthermore, Albania has recently received hi-tech electronic surveillance equipment from London, equipment that will assist in the enforcement of the <a href="http://www.panorama.com.al/20031120/faqe7/1.htm" class="broken_link">nation-wide electronic monitor program</a>.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Interestingly, there are some 1,000 people working under direction of the Albanian attorney general in this sensitive &#8220;Surveillance department,&#8221; an extraordinarily large number for one of the smallest and poorest countries in Europe. The real fear of the Albanian citizens is, therefore, the perceived ability of the state to conduct a mass program of surveillance under the pretext of the &#8220;<a href="http://english.pravda.ru/news/world/03-04-2006/78274-Albania-0">war against crime</a>,&#8221; so as to subdue its political opponents and in general curtail democratic rights.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Recent historical experience has proved that the aforementioned confirm a clear and present danger. In 1993, similar equipment &#8212; from the USA &#8212; was used to illegally survey leaders of the Greek minority in Albania. During that period the Albanian courts <a href="http://www.hri.org/docs/USSD-Rights/94/Albania94.html">condemned 5 leading members</a> of the Greek organization &#8220;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unity_for_Human_Rights_Party">Omonoia</a>&#8221; for charges relating to actions against the state. The decision forced Greece to intervene by <a href="http://www.ciaonet.org/olj/iai/iai_98lar01.html">vetoing economic assistance from the EU</a> towards Albania, and in general complicated the bilateral relations between Athens and Tirana. According to <a href="http://www.freenations.freeuk.com/news-2007-02-15.html">German sources</a>, Albania received surveillance equipment due to its vital role in expediting the Kosovo war, with direct assistance from Western intelligence agencies.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Today, the small Greek community in Albania remains fearful that its prominent members (politicians, journalists, NGO members, lawyers etc) could yet again become subjects of state &#8220;attention.&#8217; According to Albanian media sources, the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SHISH">Albanian secret service</a> is currently monitoring members of the Greek community because of their statements on the &#8220;<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Northern_Epirus">North Epirus</a> issue.&#8221; The border provinces between the two countries are referred to separately as &#8220;Epiros&#8221; by Greeks and &#8220;Chameria&#8221; by Albanians; both states claim historic and cultural contiguity upon the cross-border terrain.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">The demands of the Greek minority members in Albania which are today causing concern with the Albanian authorities include having more say in the communal affairs and seeking ties with their brethren in Greece. According to <a href="http://www.birn.eu.com/en/59/10/1642/">statistics and unofficial estimations</a>, some 2-10 percent of the Albanian population has Greek ancestry and the overall controversy around &#8220;North Epirus&#8221; is interrelated with the overall democratic process in the post-communist Albania.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">A relatively recent strain in relations between both states occurred on November 1, 2005, when Greek President Karolos Papoulias left in haste from an <a href="http://www.hri.org/news/greek/mpab/2005/05-11-01.mpab.html">official visit</a> to Albania, when an event staged by Cham Albanians<span> </span>took place in the area where the Greek and Albanian President were about to meet. The Cham protests for repatriation of their former properties in Greece has never been accepted by the Greek government, since the former <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4397470.stm">left Greece</a> in 1944-45 because of reprisals from Greeks, due to the Albanians&#8217; collaboration with the Axis forces under Hitler. Nevertheless this is an issue that is simmering and a prediction is that as long as Albanian nationalism is energizing the country, there could be major setbacks in the relations between the two states specifically because of that issue. Maps of &#8220;<a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1228380.stm">Greater Albania</a>&#8221; and similar aims, surely add up to a diplomatic climate that is uncertain and needs to get the exact opposite signals, so that both countries can fully cooperate and enjoy better relations.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Furthermore, Attorney General <a href="http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/newsbriefs/2002/03/020331-GEORGI-010">Theodhori Sollaku</a> <a href="http://www.balkanweb.com/gazetav4/index.php?id=6987" class="broken_link">stated</a> during an institutional meeting that he had been obliged to deny numerous requests by the secret service and the police for mass surveillance. He also added that the total number of surveillance demands can be compared to that <a href="http://www.nsawatch.org/scandal.html">of the USA</a>, which has a population 100 times greater than Albania&#8217;s. That fact alone, according to the attorney general, reveals a situation not suitable for a democratic state, as well as a clear violation of human rights protection in the country.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">This issue could be linked with the conflict between the government of Berisha and Mr. Sollaku, in which both parties have become locked in a series of accusations and counter-accusations of corruption over the past year. In fact, the government tried unsuccessfully <a href="http://www.turkishpress.com/news.asp?id=146565">to dismiss</a> the attorney general on corruption charges, with no effect however, due to serious opposition from other political figures, including the president of the Albanian Republic.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Such developments indicate that Albania today is in danger of enacting a process that will drift its way toward Europe and not vice-versa. Instead of crime fighting, the new laws could become a perfect fit for those seeking to exert a <a href="http://see.oneworld.net/article/view/132224/1/" class="broken_link">totalitarian approach</a> to the modern political environment. Political parties, minorities, NGO and labor syndicates could be all become subject <a href="http://iwpr.net/?p=brn&amp;s=f&amp;o=324114&amp;apc_state=henpbrn">to surveillance</a> from the central government. Albania is a country that until 1991 had one of the most isolated and totalitarian regimes in the world. The way forward that includes EU membership would not be served by <a href="http://see.oneworld.net/article/view/131316/1/" class="broken_link">a mentality of the old days</a>, wrapped in a hi-tech package of electronic and signal intelligence. This new episode in Albanian affairs will certainly prove to be another difficult passage from democratic-political adolescence to maturity, with all the <a href="http://www.nato.int/acad/fellow/95-97/luarasi.pdf">pains and struggles</a> that this passage entails.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-US">ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><em><span lang="EN-US">*Prolific Balkanalysis.com contributor Ioannis Michaletos is an analyst covering economics, politics and security issues in Greece and the Balkan region with the Research Institute for European and American Studies (<a href="http://rieas.gr/index.php?option=com_frontpage&amp;Itemid=1">RIEAS</a>) in Athens.</span></em></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><em><span lang="EN-US">Markos Stavros, born in 1965 in Vlore, Albania, is an award-winning investigative journalist in Tirana. He has worked with BBC Radio, Albanian Television TVS, France Television TF1, TF2, TV5, Italian Television RAI and more, specializing in Balkan organized crime.</span></em></p>
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		<title>Terrorist Finance, the Balkans and the Mob: Interview with Loretta Napoleoni</title>
		<link>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/04/17/terrorist-finance-the-balkans-and-the-mob-interview-with-loretta-napoleoni/</link>
		<comments>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/04/17/terrorist-finance-the-balkans-and-the-mob-interview-with-loretta-napoleoni/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 17 Apr 2006 04:25:00 +0000</pubDate>
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				<category><![CDATA[Kosovo]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[In this new and exclusive interview with Italian economist and author Loretta Napoleoni, Balkanalysis.com readers are treated to expert insights on the issues of terrorist financing, organized crime in Europe and the Balkans, and the intractable intertwinement of the terrorist economy and the legitimate one. Loretta Napoleoni is the author of several books, most recently [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>In this new and exclusive interview with Italian  economist and author Loretta Napoleoni, Balkanalysis.com readers are treated to  expert insights on the issues of terrorist financing, organized crime in Europe  and the Balkans, and the intractable intertwinement of the terrorist economy and  the legitimate one.</em></p>
<p>	<em> <a href="http://www.lorettanapoleoni.com/"> Loretta Napoleoni</a> is the author of several books, most recently <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1583227059/ref=nosim/balkanalysis-20"> Insurgent Iraq : Al-Zarqawi and the New Generation</a> and <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1583226737/ref=nosim/balkanalysisc-20"> Terror Incorporated: Tracking the Dollars behind the Terror Networks</a>. The  latter book <a href="http://www.antiwar.com/deliso/?articleid=8860"> has recently been reviewed here</a>.</em></p>
<p>	<strong>The Scale of the Terror Economy and the Role of Islamic  Finance</strong></p>
<p>	<strong>Christopher Deliso: </strong>You speak in your book, <em> <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1583226737/ref=nosim/balkanalysisc-20"> Terror Incorporated: Tracking the Dollars behind the Terror Networks</a></em>, of  an overall turnover annually in the terror economy of some $1.5 trillion- an  almost unfathomable amount. How did you calculate this?</p>
<p>	<strong>Loretta Napoleoni: </strong>I used statistics and estimates  based on the global drug trade, the illegal black economy in various goods, and  known terrorist funds from Islamic charities and so on. But the problem is that  my calculations were done before 9/11 and to really redo them to take account of  the major changes since then, should be including Iraq.</p>
<p>	So in addition to the estimate of the $1.5 trillion terror  economy mentioned in the book, I estimate now it is probably 20 percent higher,  because of the sudden increase in drugs coming from Afghanistan, and the side  effects of oil&#8217;s surge in value.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> On another topic- you discuss (on p. 125) the  concept of <em>zakat</em>, an Islamic alms tax on transactions meant to help the  needy according to Islam. Does it apply to all transactions? How is it enforced?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Yes, according to the Islamic system this  charity payment is required. But all Islamic banks are different- they don&#8217;t  have to comply with the exact same regulations, so long as their behavior is  based on their interpretation of Sharia law.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> How much is the <em>zakat</em> tax? I understand  you say the Saudi royal family alone is obliged to pay $12 billion a year  because of its immense wealth.</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> The <em>zakat</em> taxes amount to 2.5 percent,  and these moneys are directed to various organizations, the biggest being in  Saudi Arabia, where is a central <em>zakat</em> office.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> Now please explain about Islamic banking. I  thought that it does not allow charging fees, thinking it usurious and thus  incompatible with the commandments of Islam. So how do the bankers make any  money?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Of course, a banker never lends you money for  free. The way they operate is that they charge you a cost. While it&#8217;s more or  less just a conceptual one, it is still an interest, rates change but they apply  them at a fixed interest rate.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> And what of <a href="http://www.interpol.int/Public/FinancialCrime/MoneyLaundering/hawala/default.asp"> Hawala banking</a>? In your book you point to this global means of moving money  as sometimes faster than Western Union, with no way of tracing it, and something  that has been used in terrorist financing. So how exactly does it work? For  example, if I wanted to send money the Hawala way to you in London, from here in  Skopje, what would I do?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> You would go to a Hawala exchanger in your city,  and they will tell you who is their correspondent in London. And then they do  the exchange. It is very cheap, the cost.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> But I understood that money does not actually  change hands between the dealer in city A and city B.</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Basically, the guy in London will use his own  money. At the end of the year the &#8220;clearing&#8217; is done. The interesting thing is  that the clearing is done in gold- the benchmark is gold- and that is what OBL  suggested doing with it.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>And what is the scale of these kind of transfers  annually?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Frankly, it is impossible to calculate, but the  amounts are staggering.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>Is the Hawala system connected completely,  around the globe? Or are there competing networks?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>The entire network is connected. Certain  countries use it more than others, however; Africa and <a href="http://www.time.com/time/world/printout/0,8816,178227,00.html"> southeast Asia</a> especially- Pakistan is huge.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> Still, is it possible to find a Hawala dealer in  any country in Europe, for example?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Yes, almost anywhere you go in Europe now has  some Hawala dealer presence. <a href="http://www-wds.worldbank.org/servlet/WDS_IBank_Servlet?pcont=details&#038;eid=000090341_20031016085357"> The World Bank did a report</a> on Hawala a couple of years ago- you can find  more facts there.</p>
<p>	<strong>Loose Ends</strong></p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> Another detail from your book. In it, you make a  very interesting statement: you contend that a Chechen-KLA link was created in  the 1990&#8242;s. But I don&#8217;t see any source reference for the details. Can you give  any more information here?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>The Islamists of that region were doing business  with the Chechnya mafia, by this I mean the Russian mafia, because the origins  of the Russian mafia are in Chechnya. The drug routes went via Chechnya. So  where did the Albanians and the KLA come in? From the mid-1990&#8242;s, they received  a cut in the business, the shipments in heroin coming from Turkey through the  Balkans. And the KLA was the armed protection for the smugglers. But Albanian  &#8220;mafia&#8217; is a very loose concept, not like <a href="http://www.fbi.gov/hq/cid/orgcrime/lcn/lcn.htm" class="broken_link"> Cosa Nostra</a> or<strong> </strong> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ndrangheta"> &#8220;Ndrangheta</a> in Italy.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>Another detail which struck me is the presence  of 20,000 Muslims in a corner of South America- the border triangle between  Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina which you describe as a hotbed of criminal and  extremist activities. But this is very far from the Muslim world- so how did it  happen?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Well, for people looking to resettle in better  places, such as some Muslims from the Middle East in earlier times, it was very  easy to emirate to Paraguay. South America is one of the easiest places to go.  That doesn&#8217;t surprise me. These people who are there left during the Civil War  in Lebanon; some who were lucky went to Europe, but many came to Paraguay. It  turned out to be a great place to do &#8220;business.&#8217; And there is also a large  community in Argentina.</p>
<p>	As I mention in the book, some of the extremists in  Paraguay were linked to funding violent Middle Eastern Islamic groups and with  attacks on Jewish interests in Argentina.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> Another topic for clarification (p. 136) you  speak of being able to buy fake passports at the famed radical mosque in London,  Finsbury Park &#8211; but I imagine that it has long been controlled by the police.  Surely, you can&#8217;t still buy fake passports there?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>No, I think by now you are right, you can&#8217;t  there.<strong> </strong>But of course, there are criminals all around London and any big  city, and so they are readily available. In the last chapter I talked about Nick  Fielding, the excellent investigative report for the Telegraph, who just by  answering an ad in a newspaper for a company offering &#8220;visa assistance&#8217; was able  to acquire a high-quality fake, no questions asked.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> So where are such documents produced? Is there  some center?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> The place where they do are doing fake ID&#8217;s and  passports very well now is Bulgaria. They do a very good job, there is a KGB  connection there- and it is pervasive, all around Europe. For example, I checked  recently with the police in Catalonia. They say the market is huge for fake  identities. And sometimes they even use real, stolen passports, but carefully  cut out and replace the photo to suit the needs of the client.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>What about the discussion you give of stock  market speculation and the famous &#8220;put options&#8217; scandals before 9/11? You also  say the price of gold shot up in the days before as al Qaeda converted bank  assets into gold, aware that some of those accounts were bound to be shut down  by the US soon after.</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Indeed. Using gold was a strategy, and  interestingly enough, fits in perfectly with the established Hawala network.  Similar activity took place before the Madrid bombing, which we found, as well  as the London 7/7 bombings, were not the work of al Qaeda itself. The movement  fragmented, making it more difficult to pin down, but the methods were the same.</p>
<p>	From that point of view they [the Islamic terrorist  movements] are changing radically. They are no more a traditional armed group.  The oil market has delivered a massive amount of wealth. Now, the money they  need is not to do another 9/11, but to continue the insurgency in Iraq.</p>
<p>	<strong>Grounds for Cynicism</strong></p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> So would you say that the US involvement in Iraq  is like some sort of magnet, to draw in the terrorists and terrorist assets of  the world, and have them waste their money there- and American response to bin  Laden&#8217;s stated wish to bleed the American economy? Or is that too cynical?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>It&#8217;s possible. They are using Iraq, and will  even bomb Iran, using Iraq as the battlefield for where the rival Muslims can  fight it out with each other. It&#8217;s tragic what&#8217;s happening there.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>So what do you make of the recent flurry of  speculation unleashed by <a href="http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/060417fa_fact"> Seymour Hersh&#8217;s latest piece</a> predicting upcoming air strikes by the US on  Iran? Do you think this is really going to happen?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Not only do I think it is going to happen, but  it might even be soon.<strong> </strong>According to what I know, Iran is most likely- I  mean, it is going to happen, before spring 2007- and maybe even before this  fall.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>There are some factions in and around the US  government who have been long pulling for such military intervention, for years.  We call them the neoconservatives, the war party, and so on. What do you make of  their execution of this &#8220;war on terror&#8217;?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>For them, terrorism is not a problem- 9/11 is  the best thing that ever happened to them. The neocons couldn&#8217;t have gone into  Iraq without an excuse. So defeating terrorism is not high on the agenda. I do  believe they were not interested in fighting terrorism in the first place. They  need it to keep up their rationale for warsˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ We don&#8217;t go for [Osama bin Laden]  seriously because it was not a priority.</p>
<p>	<strong>Balkan and Mediterranean Mafia, Money Laundering,  Mosques</strong></p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>Indeed. Moving now from the topics that popped  up in your book, let&#8217;s move to more specific Balkan/Mediterranean ones. For  example, there have been many reports over the years about the strong ties  between the Italian and Albanian mafias. Can you shed any light on this  connection?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>First of all, we should say something about the  terminology, because it affects the group structure. In the case of the Albanian  one, you don&#8217;t have a single mafia, but a loose network based in families and  clans.</p>
<p>	But things are much more structured in the Italian mafia.  The Cosa Nostra is a pyramid with one boss-</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> Kinda like the Catholic Church.</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Yes, I suppose, like the Church with the Pope.  The terminology is interesting: such groups in Italy are always referred to by  their names, Cosa Nostra or &#8220;Ndrangheta. The word &#8220;mafia&#8217; is a sort of general  word- it is actually that comes from America, a word that was popularized in  that society and popular culture. In Italy, you never use the word &#8220;mafia;&#8217;  people distinguish between one group or another by their name. And this says a  lot about the cohesiveness of the organizations.</p>
<p>	Now, about the direct connections- a recent anti-drugs  reports from the Italian government claim that the Albanian organized crime  groups from Albania proper are more and more involved in the Otranto Channel,  people-smuggling especially.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> And drugs? How is that working?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Interestingly, we have found heroin is no longer  as important as cocaine among certain levels of society. In Europe, there has  been a decline in heroin use over the last few years. More and more, cocaine has  found its way, becoming a middle-class drug, whereas heroin is perceived as  being for the marginalized and lowest of society.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>But what about the connection between Italy and  the Balkans in terms of the drug and other smuggling trade?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Of course, Italy gets substantial smuggling  imports from the Balkans- but with the growth in South American cocaine, it is  also exporting there. Bulgaria is another important transshipment point in  heroin trade. In Italy, the Albanians are heavily involved with prostitution-  all this because of strong ties with &#8220;Ndrangheta. They have infiltrated all  areas of the Italian state, including the police- they control not only  territory but economy. It&#8217;s hard to break their group when the entire population  is afraid and don&#8217;t want to resist.</p>
<p>	And with their wealth and sophistication the &#8220;Ndrangheta  actually surpasses police efforts to stop them. So for example, when they  operate the run between Albania and the Puglia coast, with their sophisticated  small boats with tracking devices, they don&#8217;t need to be super careful because  the police don&#8217;t have the resources to match.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> What other trends in European organized crime  can you mention?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Well, an important one to watch is the Chinese  mafia. They are not as structured as the Italian crime syndicates, somewhat more  loose. But the Chinese mafia in Italy is getting bigger. They are involved in  kidnapping, racketeering, not yet so much with drugs. The same is true in Spain,  where the authorities are very concerned about the Chinese gangs. And like the  Albanians, they are very hard to penetrate because of the language. No one  speaks Chinese.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>In your book you also mention the role of Cyprus  in money laundering. You say Turkish North Cyprus-</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>No, it is South Cyprus I meant. Maybe there was  a mistake in the printing. Nothing has changed since the book was published. A  few nights ago I was speaking with a Middle East businessman who again mentioned  the long-acknowledged presence of the Russian mafia and suspicious Arab  businessmen are in the Republic of Cyprus. How they got into the EU is amazingˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶  the kind of banking and transactions they do there are massive and illegal.  There&#8217;s just no compliance, no control. It&#8217;s unbelievable.</p>
<p>	Like other tax havens, there is no specific legislation on  anti-money laundering or anti-terror financing in Europe. The existing laws  haven&#8217;t done anything. These tax havens should be abolished. But you can&#8217;t do  it, because they&#8217;re of great use to the western capitalist system.</p>
<p>	So we&#8217;re stuck basically. If we were to do something, to  really do something about terrorist financing, we would have to change our  system entirely.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>In your book, you speak at length of a radical  mosque network in Europe which has the double purpose of clandestine fundraising  and indoctrination.<strong> </strong>What if I mentioned, in your country, the town of  Treviso near Venice as an important center of extremism with ties to the  Balkans?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Treviso- wouldn&#8217;t surprise me. But I can&#8217;t say  anything more. In Italy, as you know from the publicized events in Milan and  elsewhere, as well as in other European countries, we have a Wahhabi and Salafi  presence.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> Do you distinguish the two?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>The hard-core Salafists are more often from  places in North Africa, Palestine, Syria. The Wahhabis, Saudi-backed of course,  very much support creation of a Sharia state, an amalgamation of religion and  state. The Salafists, on the other hand, call for the total destruction of the  environment.</p>
<p>	<strong>On Kosovo and Iraq and Beyond</strong></p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>As you know, right now the negotiation process  for defining Kosovo&#8217;s final status is going on.<strong> </strong>So what do you see in the  future of an &#8220;independent&#8221; Kosovo &#8211; could it become a narco-terrorist statelet  with no viable economy? After all it, it is run by the mob and is faced with the  likelihood of a huge drop in service industry prices when the rich  internationals leave. So, to use a term you employ throughout your book, could  Kosovo end up being a &#8216;state-shell&#8217;, an illegitimate hotbed of unrest ruled by a  criminal and terrorist economy?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Of course, there is this danger. I don&#8217;t have  any solutions for this, I&#8217;m afraid. But while Kosovo for sure could end up being  a state-shell, ironically if it becomes an independent state we won&#8217;t be able to  call it that!</p>
<p>	But Iraq is a state-shell. There is no central government,  there have been elections, but they have not produced a government- all the  economy that come in is supporting one armed group or another-</p>
<p>	<strong>CD: </strong>But what of the argument that the war effort  actually has benefits for the US, at least for the military-industrial  companies, the military contractors and so on? Does this &#8220;trickle down&#8217; when it  returns home?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN: </strong>Well, the US is using clean money, and a lot of  money comes back in. But is not beneficial to the US economy, because it&#8217;s  coming out of debt. Those who make it in Iraq, like the military contractors and  other personnel, while they spend it in the US, they spend it on consumption,  not investment. A lot of people end up buying property. So there is no stimulus  for growth from the war economy.</p>
<p>	In fact, the money generated by the war economy only  benefits the oil and military-industrial industries. We are creating a criminal  and illegal economy because we&#8217;re doing business with all these guys. For a very  basic and intractable example- some of the money the US has been donating ended  up going to Iraqi politicians who run militias fighting against the US. It is  self-defeating, and dangerous.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> So is it possible that there could be an  economic crash in the US because of military overstretch, the deficit, foreign  debt-servicing, treasury bonds and so on?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> We know that at a certain stage these issues, as  well as corruption in the US will cause problems. And the balance of trade, with  so many goods produced in China- it&#8217;s an unsustainable situation in the long  run. But as long as the US dollar remains the reserve currency of the world, no  one will let the US go bust. If there is a strong movement among oil markets and  central banks towards the Euro, however it will be a problem.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> A final question, getting back to a very recent  event in Italian organized crime. What can you tell us about the effect that the  recent capture of <a href="http://go.reuters.co.uk/newsArticle.jhtml?type=reutersEdgeNews&amp;storyID=1178414" class="broken_link"> legendary mafia outlaw Bernardo Provenzano</a> will have on the structure or  activities of the mafia in Italy?</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Well, I have not been following Provenzano&#8217;s  capture too closely. What I can say is that it opens new scenarios in Sicily,  not so much in [the rest of] Italy. The most powerful organized crime  organization at the moment is the &#8220;Ndrangheta, which was not controlled by  Provenzano.</p>
<p>	What we can say is that due to this capture the Mafia will  need to get reorganized, which will open new opportunities for the [Calabrian]  &#8220;Ndrangheta. The Southern Italy-Balkan link, the link with Albanian organized  crime, is the &#8220;Ndrangheta.</p>
<p>	<strong>CD:</strong> Loretta, thanks very much for taking the time to  speak with us.</p>
<p>	<strong>LN:</strong> Thank you.</p>
<p align="center" style="text-align: center" class="MsoNormal">ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶.</p>
<p>	<em>Enlighten yourself about the foremost security issues of  the day- buy Loretta Napoleoni&#8217;s <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1583227059/ref=nosim/balkanalysis-20"> Insurgent Iraq : Al-Zarqawi and the New Generation</a> and <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1583226737/ref=nosim/balkanalysisc-20"> Terror Incorporated: Tracking the Dollars behind the Terror Networks</a> now!</em></p>
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		<title>Greek Banking, Telecom and Technology: Upcoming Prospects for the Key Players</title>
		<link>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/02/09/greek-banking-telecom-and-technology-upcoming-prospects-for-the-key-players/</link>
		<comments>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/02/09/greek-banking-telecom-and-technology-upcoming-prospects-for-the-key-players/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 09 Feb 2006 14:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
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				<category><![CDATA[Bulgaria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Greece]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[By Ioannis Michaletos In Greece as in the wider world, the banking, telecommunication and tech sectors make up the main driving force in economic development. In our post- industrial era, these services across their entire spectrum dictate to a large degree the stock market, social norms and key trends, and assume pivotal importance when assessing [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>By Ioannis Michaletos </em></p>
<p>	In Greece as in the wider world, the banking,  telecommunication and tech sectors make up the main driving force in economic  development. In our post- industrial era, these services across their entire  spectrum dictate to a large degree the stock market, social norms and key  trends, and assume pivotal importance when assessing the economic outlook of a  particular state.</p>
<p>	In contrast with its primary industrial sector, these  service sectors have performed more and more strongly since the 1990&#8242;s, and  continue to deliver large profits to their stakeholders and associates.This article introduces the reader to the assets, presence  and prospects of the main players in Greece&#8217;s banking, telecommunication and  tech sectors. Readers should note that only corporations fully owned by Greeks  will be presented, and not the numerous powerful subsidiaries of multinationals  present on the Greek market.</p>
<p>	<strong>National Bank of Greece</strong></p>
<p>	First considerations must go to the <a href="http://www.nbg.gr/"> National Bank of Greece</a>. It was established in 1841 and was the first bank  in the country, having been created in 1830. It is the bulwark of the Greek  banking system and the largest group in Greece, with a market capitalization of  almost 13 billion Euros. Its branches are spread throughout Greece as well as in  the UK, Germany, South Africa, Australia, Albania, Serbia, Romania and other  countries. Until recently it had an American subsidiary, the Atlantic Bank,  which was sold off.</p>
<p>	The main strategic aims of the bank are to expand in the SE  European area and it is thus now eying Romanian banks up for sale. Moreover the  bank has a diversified range of interests, including the <a href="http://www.ethniki-asfalistiki.gr/"> national insurance company</a>, <a href="http://www.aget.gr/"> Hercules Cement</a> and <a href="http://www.astir-palace.com/"> Astir Hotels Group</a>, as well as colossal real estate assets all over the  country. It is assumed that currently the NBR has a bit over 1 billion euros in  readily dispensable assets; this will soon swell if its plans to sell off parts  of the companies it controls succeed. For 2006, it is likely to expect financial  deals in Romania and the expansion of its branches in the other Balkan states.</p>
<p>	<strong>Eurobank</strong></p>
<p>	<span lang="EL"> <a href="http://www.eurobank.gr/"> <span lang="EN-US">Eurobank</span></a></span> is one of the fastest growing  banking institutions in SE Europe. It was established in 1990 by Spyros Latsis  and Deutsche Bank. The latter withdrew in 2003, and currently the stocks of this  particular company are some of the most sought-after on the Athens Stock  Exchange.</p>
<p>	Eurobank employs over 13,500 people and has branches in the  Balkans, as well as private banking outlets in areas such as the Cayman Islands,  Geneva, London, Monaco and other. Eurobank also issues <a href="http://www.open24.gr/"> Open 24</a> and <a href="http://www.eurobank-cards/" class="broken_link"> Eurobank cards</a>, which have a strong representation on the ever growing  credit card market in Greece.</p>
<p>	Among its targets for 2006, Eurobank seeks to expand into  the Polish market, where it plans to open 100 branches in the next three years.</p>
<p>	<strong>Alpha Bank</strong></p>
<p>	<a href="http://www.alpha.gr/"> Alpha Bank</a> is one of the oldest banks in Greece, having been created in  1885, and it is the country&#8217;s second largest after the National Bank. It has a  market capitalization of well over 8.5 billion euros, and an international  branch network, especially in Romania where it owns dozens of outlets. Moreover,  it is a lending institution of high caliber in areas such as the shipping sector  and has an excellent reputation for its costumer service.</p>
<p>	Alpha Bank has been a trendsetter on numerous occasions  since the 1990&#8242;s in Greek banking. In the future, further expansion in the  Balkans is likely. It is also being speculated that the bank&#8217;s actions could  trigger the now-looming &#8220;price war&#8221; over real estate loans in Greece.</p>
<p>	<strong>OTE- the National Telecommunications Company</strong></p>
<p>	First established in 1949, <span lang="EL"> <a href="http://www.ote.gr/"> <span lang="EN-US">OTE</span></a></span> is one of the forerunners of modern  Greece&#8217;s economic development. It has a market capitalization of around 9.5  billion euros, and has interests in Serbia, Romania, Armenia, Yemen, Jordan and  other countries. <span lang="EL">Further, OTE has numerous affiliated companies  and large real estate assets.</span></p>
<p>	Some 7 million costumers are served by the company, which  is also the driving force behind the expansion of ADSL internet in Greece. <span lang="EL">The state owns 38.6 percent of the stocks, and any decision for  a total sell-off (as is rumored) will have implications for the whole of the  Greek political system.</span></p>
<p>	Amongst OTE&#8217;s future plans is consolidation with Cosmote, a  partial withdrawal from the Romanian and Armenia market, and the formation of an  alliance with a strategic partner that will acquire a portion of the  organization. For now, the most probable ones are <a href="http://www.telekom3.de/"> Deutsche Telecom </a>and <a href="http://www.telefonica.com/"> Telefonica</a>.<br />
	<strong>Cosmote</strong></p>
<p>	<span lang="EL"> <a href="http://www.cosmote.gr/"> <span lang="EN-US">Cosmote</span></a></span> is one of the fastest growing  mobile operators in Europe. It was established in 1998 by the Greek national  telecom operator, <a href="http://www.ote.gr/"> OTE</a>, and the Norwegian <a href="http://www.telenor.no/"> Telenor</a>. It boasts in excess of 4 million customers and has achieved  international recognition by affiliating with the I-mode 1 mobile browser under  exclusive agreement with <a href="http://www.ntt.com/"> NTT</a>.</p>
<p>	Furthermore, Cosmote is activate in the Balkans through  subsidiaries: Macedonia&#8217;s <a href="http://www.cosmofon.com.mk/"> Cosmofon</a>, <a href="http://www.amc.al/"> AMC-Albania</a> and <a href="http://www.globul.bg/"> Globul</a> in Bulgaria all have strong developmental prospects. The company  employs 2,200 people and had an estimated turnover for 2005 of around 1.5  billion Euros. Its current market capitalization is 6.7 billion euros. The  outlook for 2006 suggests strong indications for consolidation of the  corporation with its main stakeholder, thus creating the largest telecom  operator in an area from Rome to Mumbai.</p>
<p>	<strong>Plaisio Computers</strong></p>
<p>	<span lang="EL"> <a href="http://www.plaisio.gr/"> <span lang="EN-US">Plaisio Computers</span></a></span> is a medium-sized company  in comparison to those mentioned above. But it is clearly a modern business  success story. <span lang="EL">Established in 1969 as a small stationery shop in  the center of Athens, Plaisio is currently a leading computer firm with a stock  market value of 160 million euros.</span></p>
<p>	The company deals with computer systems support and  functions as a retailer. <span lang="EL">It currently has 900 employees, is  renowned in Greece for its high-quality costumer service. In 2005, Plaisio&#8217;s  estimated revenues exceeded 250 million Euros. For 2006, look for the company to  branch out in the Bulgarian market.</span></p>
<p>	<strong>Antenna Group</strong></p>
<p>	The <a href="http://www.antenna.gr/"> Antenna Group</a> is the largest TV and entertainment conglomerate in Greece. It  was first established in 1987 by the shipping tycoon Minoas Kyriakou, and from  then on expanded into areas such as television, publishing, music, internet,  credit cards and education. It owns a subsidiary in Bulgaria, Nova Televisia and  Radio Express, and it broadcasts worldwide via satellite. Antenna is thus very  popular in the Greek diaspora.</p>
<p>	Within Greece itself, the station tends to fluctuate  between first or second place in terms of viewer ratings. Over 2,000 people work  for the group, which also has an innovative educational center that serves as a  pool for nursing future talent.</p>
<p>	For 2006, no definitive predictions can be made, though it  should be said that the Antenna Group is well known for making careful business  moves.</p>
<p>	<strong>OPAP</strong></p>
<p>	<span lang="EL"> <a href="http://www.opap.gr/"> <span lang="EN-US">OPAP</span></a></span> first started in 1958 as the state  organization for the football lottery-PROPO- and currently is a giant in the  Greek gambling sector. <span lang="EL">With a market capitalization of around 11  billion euros, and the ever increasing Greek lust for the lottery and other  games of chance, it reaps huge profits each year.</span></p>
<p>	Last year, the Greek government sold 16.6 percent of its  share through the stock market. For 2006, the corporation is offering a 250  million euro contract for gaming software and machinery; potential interested  parties such as <span lang="EL"> <a href="http://www.intralot.com/"> <span lang="EN-US">Intralot</span></a></span>, <a href="http://www.scientificgames.com/"> Scientific Games</a>, <a href="http://www.lottomatica.it/"> Lottomatica</a> and others are preparing to fight over it. In the near future,  further expansion in the Balkan market, as well as further partial company  sell-off by the government are likely.</p>
<p>	<em>Ioannis Michaletos is a researcher on HRM, sustainable  development and member of the governing board of the Research Institute for  European and American Studies (<a href="http://www.rieas.gr/">RIEAS</a>)  in Athens.</em></p>
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		<title>Interrogation Machine: Laibach and NSK</title>
		<link>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/01/16/interrogation-machine-laibach-and-nsk/</link>
		<comments>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2006/01/16/interrogation-machine-laibach-and-nsk/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Jan 2006 08:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
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				<category><![CDATA[Other Balkan Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Reviews]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Interrogation Machine: Laibach and NSK by Alexei Monroe, with foreword by Slavoj Zizek MIT Press (2005), 400 pp. Reviewed by Mark White* In 1987, Neue Slowenische Kunst, or NSK &#8211; an obscure art collective made up of several art and performance groups from Slovenia, a Yugoslav republic still four years from independence &#8211; was commissioned [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em> <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0262633159/balkanalysisc-20"> Interrogation Machine: Laibach and NSK</a></em></p>
<p>	by Alexei Monroe, with foreword by Slavoj Zizek</p>
<p>	MIT Press (2005), 400 pp.</p>
<p>	<em>Reviewed by Mark White*</em></p>
<p>	In 1987, Neue Slowenische Kunst, or NSK &#8211; an obscure art  collective made up of several art and performance groups from Slovenia, a  Yugoslav republic still four years from independence &#8211; was commissioned to come  up with a poster for Yugoslavia&#8217;s annual Youth Day Festival. The resulting  &#8220;Youth Day Poster&#8221; depicts a young white male, with an athletic muscle tone and  eyes looking heavenward, who appears to be cresting a summit. He&#8217;s clutching an  illuminated pyramid-shaped structure in his left hand, and a flag with a dove on  the flag&#8217;s staff with his right. It&#8217;s an aesthetically uninspiring,  black-and-white poster that would appear now to a casual observer as a typical  communist-era propaganda print.</p>
<p>	What the poster represented at the time, however, was  unprecedented and nothing short of radical.The print that NSK submitted was  little more than a slightly altered version of a 50-year-old Nazi painting  called &#8220;A Heroic Allegory of the Third Reich.&#8221; The artist (NSK artists seldom  sign their work) had simply replaced a few key elements in the original with his  own touches: the Nazi banner in the painting was replaced with Yugoslavia&#8217;s  flag, the German eagle with a dove, and the torch with the design of  Yugoslavia&#8217;s yet-to-be-built parliament building. By the time the authorities  had noticed what NSK had done, the poster had already been distributed  throughout the country.</p>
<p>	The response was immediate and decisive: the posters were  ripped down, all future Youth Day Festivals were cancelled, and NSK was well on  the road to notoriety and fame.</p>
<p>	Over the next 25 years, operating under the auspices of any  number of its several sub-groups &#8211; including its most famous component, the rock  band Laibach &#8211; NSK would achieve worldwide recognition for its engaging, often  terrifying, and always provocative installations, performances, and what Alexei  Monroe, writing in <em> <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0262633159/balkanalysisc-20"> Interrogation Machine: Laibach and NSK</a></em>, calls &#8220;interventions.&#8221;</p>
<p>	In <em> <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0262633159/balkanalysisc-20"> Interrogation Machine</a></em>, Monroe describes several NSK works and  interventions that have reverberated far beyond the Balkan borders and deep into  Europe and beyond. But the Youth Day Poster is probably the best example of the  collective&#8217;s impact, and the best entrance into their complex and often  impenetrable aesthetics.</p>
<p>	Monroe describes one of the primary creative principles  that NSK followed as &#8220;retrogardism.&#8221; Across the scope of their vast output &#8211; in  music, drama, visual art, and even philosophy &#8211; NSK has admittedly and  unapologetically reached into the past to &#8220;steal&#8221; materials for their work. Put  into practice long before sampling would become a mainstream and well-paid art,  this &#8220;back to the future&#8221; principle is premised on the idea that, in their  words, &#8220;traumas affecting the present and the future can be healed only by  returning to the initial conflicts,&#8221; and that by doing so, &#8220;secret&#8221; connections  between seemingly unrelated entities can be revealed. In the case of Youth Day,  NSK forced a communist country that prided itself on its presumed anti-Fascist  history into the discomforting possibility that it was more Fascist than it  cared to admit.</p>
<p>	In practice, this means that virtually every piece of art  created by NSK&#8217;s visual art group Irwin, and just about every song by Laibach,  is a pastiche &#8211; always starkly original in its final execution, but nevertheless  a pastiche &#8211; of previously existing materials. From fifteenth century frescos,  nineteenth century poems and the pop lyrics of The Beatles and Queen, to ethnic  wood cuts, Bavarian folk dancers and speeches by Winston Churchill and Joseph  Stalin &#8211; nothing, and everything, is sacred to NSK, and everything under the sun  and beyond is fair game for their cutting and pasting.</p>
<p>	A necessary partner to retrogardism has been what Monroe  calls the group&#8217;s &#8220;radical ambiguity&#8221; &#8211; the principle by which NSK never  clarifies its political position on any of its work. &#8220;The explanation is the  whip and you bleed,&#8221; as Laibach has said in defense of this stance. Add to the  group&#8217;s resolute silence on its use of Nazi iconography the fact that its name &#8211;  Neue Slowenische Kunst &#8211; is German, that &#8220;Laibach&#8221; was the name that the Nazis  had given Ljubljana during the country&#8217;s occupation in World War II, and that  Laibach itself has a distinctly jackboot appearance and sound, and &#8211; well,  somebody would eventually have to ask, &#8220;Are you Fascists or not?&#8221; And true to  their principles, NSK would eventually have to answer, as they did in one famous  interview: &#8220;isn&#8217;t it evident?&#8221;</p>
<p>	While the hugely successful and influential elixir of NSK&#8217;s  retrogradism and radical ambiguity has continued to serve as the group&#8217;s driving  aesthetic and political force, it&#8217;s been difficult for the rest of us. Monroe  rightly calls NSK &#8220;perplexing, traumatic and contradictory.&#8221; As such, few  writers have attempted to chronicle the group&#8217;s development, and no writer has  attempted to &#8220;explain&#8221; their art. While <em> <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0262633159/balkanalysisc-20"> Interrogation Machine</a></em> is no &#8220;<a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1592572715/balkanalysisc-20">Idiot&#8217;s  Guide</a>,&#8221; it is undoubtedly the most accessible and comprehensive study of NSK  to date. Focusing largely on Laibach and Irwin at the height of their activities  between 1985 and 1992, Monroe places NSK in its political and cultural contexts  in terms that most of us can mostly follow.</p>
<p>	The book&#8217;s chapter on Slovenian history is essential  reading for anyone who really wants to understand the NSK phenomenon. Monroe  describes the historical and political forces &#8211; the 1972 revisions to the  Yugoslavian constitution, for instance &#8211; that resulted in Slovenia achieving a  much greater state of autonomy, at least culturally, than did the other Yugoslav  republics. And he does well to contextualize Slovenia in its decidedly Catholic  and westward leaning sensibilities &#8211; particularly German and Italian &#8211; as  opposed to the Orthodox and more eastern-influenced ex-Yugoslav states to the  south.</p>
<p>	The author also rightly points out that NSK&#8217;s use of a more  universal iconography in their work, and Laibach&#8217;s use of decidedly Western pop  influences, such as the Rolling Stones, The Beatles, and Queen, has given the  group an international exposure that belies the relatively unknown status of  their homeland. Although he barely discusses NSK&#8217;s theater groups, he covers  most of NSK&#8217;s major works and activities, including the group&#8217;s creation of its  own state, complete with its own passport and international embassies.</p>
<p>	A major flaw with <em> <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0262633159/balkanalysisc-20"> Interrogation Machine</a></em> (though an easily correctable one) however, is  with respect to Monroe&#8217;s unapologetic refusal to provide a text that&#8217;s &#8220;fully  accessible.&#8221; Numerous times he leaves the unenlightened among us in the dark by  dropping NSK references without explanation, as if his preferred audience is the  group itself. He revisits several of his own arguments &#8211; especially his  discussion of NSK&#8217;s authoritarian aesthetics- with slight variations throughout  the book, and he repeats quotations and incidents so much that by the time I  reached the final chapter, I felt dizzy from the <em>deja vu</em> he&#8217;d repeatedly  forced on me.</p>
<p>	Monroe covers his flanks at the outset by saying that, like  NSK itself, the book is not &#8220;conventional&#8221; or &#8220;straightforward,&#8221; and that he  didn&#8217;t want &#8220;to introduce dangerous simplifications of a type all too prevalent  in the media and in politics.&#8221; Call me dangerously simplistic, but adding a few  words &#8211; literally, a few words &#8211; of explanation for the likes of Friedrich  Meinecke, Milan Fras, the Dusseldorf Speech, and so on, is not only not  &#8220;dangerous,&#8221; it could actually be viewed in some quarters as a component of good  writing.</p>
<p>	These frustrations, though, are prices worth paying for  what <em> <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0262633159/balkanalysisc-20"> Interrogation Machine</a> </em>offers. While one certainly can&#8217;t make the claim  that it was NSK that paved the way for Slovenia&#8217;s early independence, gauging  their work and the authorities&#8217; response to it over the years provides for a  fascinating example of the profound role art can play in an authoritarian  structure. And as Slavoj Zizek discusses in his pointed introduction, there&#8217;s no  reason to think that in today&#8217;s context of America&#8217;s war on terror and attempted  revisions of what constitutes torture, that the lessons of NSK aren&#8217;t as  relevant today as they were at the height of their movement twenty years ago.</p>
<p>	ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶ˆšÂ¢Â¬Ã„Â¬Â¶.</p>
<p>	<em> *Mark White is the publisher of the US-based <a href="http://www.scalahousepress.com/" class="broken_link"> Scala House Press</a>, an American publishing house devoted to the translation  and publication of works from the Balkans region. One of their groundbreaking  translations, of Slovenia author Vladimir Bartol&#8217;s 1938 classic <a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0972028730/balkanalysisc-20"> Alamut</a>, was <a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&amp;file=article&amp;sid=446" class="broken_link"> reviewed here by Balkanalysis.com</a> in November 2004.</em></p>
<p>	<em>Over the next few months, we will continue to review  many more new Balkan-related books. As always, readers should feel free to  recommend to us books that they would like to see reviewed. Please send any  suggestions to <a href="mailto:contact@balkanalysis.com"> contact@balkanalysis.com</a>.</em></p>
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		<title>UPI Plagiarizes Balkanalysis.com, Prints Tepid Apology</title>
		<link>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2005/11/21/upi-plagiarizes-balkanalysiscom-prints-tepid-apology/</link>
		<comments>http://www.balkanalysis.com/2005/11/21/upi-plagiarizes-balkanalysiscom-prints-tepid-apology/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2005 21:30:00 +0000</pubDate>
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				<category><![CDATA[Other Balkan Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Turkey]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.balkanalysis.com/?p=604</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[On Nov. 15, 2005, United Press International (UPI) printed a devious, half-hearted apology to Balkanalysis.com, in the form of a re-written original story with an inconspicuous addendum. This unfortunate decision raises serious concerns about the news giant&#8217;s journalistic integrity, arrogance and damage-control-at-all-costs instinct. In concluding the above-linked article on testimony given in late January 2005 [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>On Nov. 15, 2005, <a href="http://www.upi.com/"> United Press International</a> (UPI) printed a<a href="http://www.upi.com/inc/view.php?StoryID=20051115-032233-9387r">  devious, half-hearted apology to Balkanalysis.com</a>, in the form of a  re-written original story with an inconspicuous addendum. This unfortunate  decision raises serious concerns about the news giant&#8217;s journalistic integrity,  arrogance and damage-control-at-all-costs instinct.</p>
<p>	In concluding the above-linked article on testimony given  in late January 2005 by FBI whistleblower Sibel Edmonds for the Turkish  newspaper <em>Vatan</em>, UPI stated:</p>
<p>	<em><span lang="EN">&#8220;the above story first appeared in  UPI&#8217;s Intelligence Watch feature on February 4, 2005. It drew extensively on  text from a story by Chris Deliso on the balkanalysis.com website, but failed to  give attribution to that source. Since this has now been brought to our notice  we want to acknowledge Mr. Deliso and balkanalysis.com as the source of the  story and apologize for our earlier oversight.&#8221;</span></em></p>
<p>	This reliance on euphemisms, such as &#8220;failed to give  attribution&#8221; and &#8220;earlier oversight,&#8221; is not just pathetic. It is also a lie.What UPI did was not simply &#8220;misuse&#8221; an original story from  another news body; they did a crude cut-and-copy job that clearly amounted to  crass plagiarism, in which whole chunks of text were re-appropriated from a  Balkanalysis.com story that had appeared a day earlier, on February 3, 2005.</p>
<p>	However, UPI refused to comment all throughout a lengthy,  three-month email correspondence on the plagiarism charge. And the fact that  they did not provide links to either story shows that they were arrogantly  ensuring that no one would be able to discover the real dimensions of their  content theft.</p>
<p>	<strong>The Facts- Judge for Yourself</strong></p>
<p>	Since we here at Balkanalysis.com believe strongly in <em> always</em> providing proper attribution to our sources, no matter how obscure &#8211;  and <em>especially</em>, hyperlinks wherever possible &#8211; we thought we would allow  readers the chance to make up their own minds: so here are the links to the  original texts. (Note that we have kept offline copies in the case they try to  do something foolish like removing or modifying their original text).</p>
<p>	<a href="http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&amp;file=article&amp;sid=498" class="broken_link"> &#8220;Sibel Edmonds: FBI&#8217;s Compromised Security Damages Turkey&#8217;s Security, Too&#8221;</a></p>
<p>	(Balkanalysis.com; February 3, 2005, 8:05 EST)</p>
<p>	<em>Word count:</em> 535</p>
<p>	<em>Links to other sources:</em> 5</p>
<p>	<a href="http://www.washtimes.com/upi-breaking/20050204-024932-4655r.htm"> &#8220;UPI Intelligence Watch&#8221;</a></p>
<p>	(John C.K. Daly, UPI Intelligence Correspondent, UPI;  February 4, 2005)</p>
<p>	<em>Word count:</em> 314</p>
<p>	<em>Links to other sources:</em> 0</p>
<p>	A quick comparison of both texts indicates that in 5  places, entire passages of the former text have been cut-and-pasted into the  body of the latter. Other sentences, while not directly stolen, are clearly  directly modeled on the structure of the original Balkanalysis.com piece.</p>
<p>	Apparently for UPI, one of the alleged leaders in the field  of world media, this does not constitute plagiarism. It was, you see, just an  &#8220;oversight.&#8221;</p>
<p>	However, the<a href="http://sja.ucdavis.edu/avoid.htm" class="broken_link"> University of California-Davis&#8217; &#8220;Avoiding Plagiarism&#8221; fact sheet</a> would  seem to disagree:</p>
<p>	<em>&#8220;if you repeat another&#8217;s exact words, you MUST use  quotation marks and cite the source.&#8221;</em></p>
<p>	<strong>Chronology of Events</strong></p>
<p>	The decision to hush up the illegal and unethical  re-appropriation of Balkanalysis.com material was reached after long discussion  between UPI&#8217;s highest editorial staff, over a three-month period, after which it  was apparently decided that they could get away with the &#8220;oversight&#8221; claim,  being a media Goliath vs. a journalistic David. Of course, this is just  conjecture, but we believe that readers who have read the above-linked stories  and compared them with the following timeline of correspondence will come to the  same conclusion.</p>
<p>	<strong>August 10, 2005:</strong> After a routine search brings up  the two articles in question, Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso  emails the UPI general staff and asks them to confirm that their article does  not in fact amount to plagiarism; threatens lawsuit.</p>
<p>	<strong>August 10, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael  Marshall quickly responds: &#8220;thank you for bringing this matter to our notice. Be  assured that we take the charge of plagiarism very seriously and will look into  the matter thoroughly. This may take a few days as the writer concerned is on  vacation this week. As soon as we have asked all the necessary questions we will  get back to you with a fuller response.&#8221;</p>
<p>	<strong>August 10, 2005:</strong> Balkanalysis.com Director  Christopher Deliso response to Mr. Marshall, thanking him for his reply and  saying he will wait for UPI to reach a decision.</p>
<p>	<strong>August 28, 2005:</strong> Having not received the response  promised by UPI, Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso points out that  &#8220;almost three weeks have passed since you promised to look into this plagiarism  matter,&#8221; and asks for an update on the situation.</p>
<p>	<strong>August 30, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael  Marshall finally responds, apologizing &#8220;for the delay in this matter;&#8221; relays  that &#8220;we are meeting about it today and I hope to have a response for you  tomorrow.&#8221;</p>
<p>	<strong>September 1, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael  Marshall replies as promised to Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso,  laying out the terms of UPI&#8217;s future offer. Mr. Marshall admits that: &#8220;having  looked into the matter you raised with us it&#8217;s clear we made a mistake. Our  reporter did have independent knowledge of this story, reads Turkish, and knows  Ms. Edmonds. However, under deadline pressure, he relied too heavily on your  story without giving proper attribution. I apologize for that oversight. If you  would like we can publish an item pointing out that this story originated on  your site and giving you the proper attribution. Once again, I regret that you  were not given the proper credit for your story.&#8221;</p>
<p>	<strong>September 1, 2005:</strong> Balkanalysis.com Director  Christopher Deliso asks, first of all, for further clarification of the terms  laid out in the previous email: specifically, whether UPI&#8217;s correction will  appear on the page where the story was originally found, or as a new news item,  or in some other place on the UPI website.</p>
<p>	Mr. Deliso secondly asks whether UPI is prepared to say  that it plagiarized the Feb. 3 piece, &#8220;or simply &#8220;relied too heavily&#8217; on it.&#8221; He  thirdly asks whether the current UPI editorial staff has a &#8220;policy&#8221; of  deliberately not citing Balkanalysis.com articles, and if so, why?</p>
<p>	Finally, Mr. Deliso notes that at the foot of the offending  UPI story in question, readers are invited to purchase it (and presumably other  articles) for a certain reprinting fee. He expresses a wish to have clarified  whether anyone has indeed purchased reprint rights for the piece in question,  which allegedly &#8220;drew to heavily&#8221; on the Feb. 3 Balkanalysis.com article. He  asks whether any moneys received through such an activity would rightfully have  to be transferred from UPI to Balkanalysis.com.</p>
<p>	<strong>September 2, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael  Marshall replies that the proposed correction &#8220;would go out as a new item as a  part of our &#8220;Intelligence Watch&#8217; feature, and refer back to the original story.  It would go out on the same channels as the original story.&#8221;</p>
<p>	However, Mr. Marshall dodges the second question, ignoring  the issue of a plagiarism admission, instead proposing to write that &#8220;we should  have acknowledged you and your site as a major source of our original story and  failed to do so, which we regret and are now correcting, or words to that  effect.&#8221;</p>
<p>	In regards to the third question, the UPI Editor-in-Chief  states that &#8220;I can assure you that no editor here was aware of the connection  between the story we published and your site until you brought it to our  notice,&#8221; which addresses the specific article but does not really answer the  question of was there a policy.</p>
<p>	However, Editor-in-Chief Marshall does let slip the  intriguing statement that &#8220;our policy now is that all &#8220;briefs&#8217; must be sourced.&#8221;</p>
<p>	Finally, Mr. Marshall promises to look into whether or not  the article in question has &#8220;been independently licensed by any client,&#8221; by  asking the UPI marketing department.</p>
<p>	These replies will prove extremely important later, as  readers will discover.</p>
<p>	<strong>September 6, 2005:</strong> Having not received a reply,  Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso writes again to clarify whether or  not the UPI article in question has in fact been purchased by any reader.</p>
<p>	<strong>September 11, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael  Marshall finally responds, stating that &#8220;in response to your query of September  6, our marketing department tell (sic) me their records show no indiidual (sic)  licensing of the story in question.&#8221; He adds that he will be out of the office  from September 12-14.</p>
<p>	<strong>September 19, 2005:</strong> Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso writes  to UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael Marshall to inform him that a temporary absence  will require putting off further negotiations for approximately 3 weeks.</p>
<p>	<strong>September 21, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael Marshall responds to  express his agreement with this course of action.</p>
<p>	<strong>October 17, 2005:</strong> Balkanalysis.com Director  Christopher Deliso announces his desire to resume discussions in an email and  again asks whether UPI plans &#8220;to print this apology that you had mentioned  previously&#8221; and, more crucially, whether the media giant will state that they  did indeed plagiarize Balkanalysis.com in the Feb. 4 &#8220;intelligence brief&#8217; piece.</p>
<p>	<strong>October 26, 2005:</strong> Having once again failed to  receive a timely response, Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso again  writes to UPI Editor-in-Chief Marshall; suggests that in the absence of further  action Balkanalysis.com will be forced to go ahead with its &#8220;own measures based  on our previous written correspondence.&#8221;</p>
<p>	<strong>October 31, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael  Marshall finally responds, apologizing for the delay once again, explaining he  had briefly been out sick. He proposes &#8220;to publish a correction along the lines  described in our earlier exchanges. Please let me know if you have any further  questions about this course of action, on which I believe we had agreed in  principle.&#8221;</p>
<p>	<strong>November 1, 2005: </strong>Balkanalysis.com Director  Christopher Deliso writes back to apologize for Mr. Marshall&#8217;s illness and  wishes him a speedy recovery. He states that the two parties are &#8220;in principle&#8221;  agreed, and adds, generously, that no lawsuit will be filed.</p>
<p>	Mr. Deliso then goes on to point out one major concern,  being that, &#8220;the term &#8220;misused&#8217; in [reference] to my article sounds rather  euphemistic a la &#8220;collateral damage.&#8217;&#8221; He then draws attention to a &#8220;quite  instructive&#8221; educational link (the <a href="http://sja.ucdavis.edu/avoid.htm" class="broken_link"> above-cited UC Davis &#8220;Avoiding Plagiarism&#8221; article</a>). He urges UPI editors to  reflect on said article, and ask themselves whether &#8220;in fact [their] &#8220;misuse&#8217;  could more technically be termed &#8220;plagiarism&#8217; and, if so, if there is any reason  why you would not choose to use that word.&#8221;</p>
<p>	<strong>November 10, 2005:</strong> Having waited patiently yet again  for another 9 days and receiving no reply, Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher  Deliso writes to UPI Editor-in-Chief Marshall to express his concern about not  having received a response to his previous email and the questions raised  therein: &#8220;please advise as soon as you are able.&#8221;</p>
<p>	<strong>November 14, 2005:</strong> Having <em>still</em> received no reply from anyone at  United Press International, Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso writes  again to Editor-in-Chief Marshall and the General Staff to announce that the  moment for final clarification is imminent, and that a response should be made  ideally within 3 days.</p>
<p>	<strong>November 15, 2005:</strong> UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael  Marshall responds: &#8220;technical issues permitting, I plan to post a correction of  the February article today, with the proper attribution and acknowledging that  in February we failed to give that attribution. I believe this will meet your  concerns.&#8221; Announces hasty departure for Thanksgiving vacation.</p>
<p>	<strong>November 16, 2005:</strong> A UPI staffer sends a new link to  Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher Deliso, which points to the Nov. 15 text  with its &#8220;correction&#8217; of the original Feb. 4, 2004 UPI &#8220;Intelligence Watch&#8217;  piece. This is the link referred to above.</p>
<p>	<strong>Implications</strong></p>
<p>	There are several serious implications that arise from  UPI&#8217;s inventive use of the Feb. 3 Balkanalysis.com piece, both in itself and  especially when set in the context of the three-month written negotiation  period, that has ended &#8211; to our great satisfaction &#8211; rather unfairly for us.  Let&#8217;s go through them point by point.</p>
<p>	<strong>1.) The official &#8220;apology&#8221; did not meet even the low  standards decreed by the UPI editorial staff in the email of Sept. 2, 2005, on 3  counts.</strong></p>
<p>	First, it was not published &#8220;as a new item&#8221;- rather, it was  a halfhearted, rehashed version of the Feb. 3 article, with a postscript  expressing UPI&#8217;s apologies for the &#8220;oversight&#8221; of Feb. 4. So instead of the &#8220;new  item&#8221; being the story of how UPI plagiarized another piece of work, their  embarrassed apology was merely tacked on to another piece, an addendum to a  rehashed bit of reporting that was never theirs to begin with. This Kafkaesque  result only adds insult to injury and exposes UPI as an arrogant, disaffected  bunch of media hacks.</p>
<p>	Second, the &#8220;new item&#8221; was not published, as had been  promised, in the news service&#8217;s &#8220;Intelligence Watch&#8221; feature; it was published  on the general &#8220;Security and Terrorism&#8221; section page, but apparently did not  merit its own listing under the &#8220;Intelligence Watch&#8221; sub-section. In other  words, readers who might be in the habit of checking out the &#8220;Intelligence  Watch&#8221; specifically may never have been aware of the correction. In our view,  the <em>story</em> here was supposed to be their error; instead, what we got was  the original story with a small apology at the end. Because they chose to weasel  out of their obligations, we have been forced to make the story of their mistake  into a seven-page report. As Lewis Libby now knows (in a different context), it  could have all been so much easier if it had been done right the first time  around!</p>
<p>	Third, and perhaps most significantly, UPI utterly failed  in its promise to &#8220;refer back to the original story&#8221; in its &#8220;new item&#8221;/corrected  piece. In the world of online journalism, we feel confident that by the  statement &#8220;refer back to the original story,&#8221; one reasonably can expect to mean  the embedding of a hyperlink to a specific URL at which can be found said  original story.</p>
<p>	However, UPI unfortunately decided not to do this. And, not  only did they not insert a link to the original Feb. 3 Balkanalysis.com story,  they also failed to insert a link to their Feb 4. plagiarized piece. Thus,  readers who might have wished to compare the original stories, and thus the  veracity of UPI&#8217;s claims, could not do so. To show that their brazenness knows  no bounds, UPI failed even to provide the <em>titles</em> of both original pieces;  they thus ensured that there would be no chance for readers to &#8220;refer back to  the original story.&#8221; UPI thus acted in utterly bad faith.</p>
<p>	On the other hand, Balkanalysis.com has always provided  links to articles it has cited &#8211; including many interesting and informative ones  from UPI authors &#8211; and will continue to do so.</p>
<p>	Unfortunately, it seems that certain of the &#8220;big&#8221; media  (UPI is not alone in this deficiency) look down on adding links. One might  speculate that this reticence owes to a belief that information appears &#8220;more  exclusive&#8221; or more &#8220;original&#8221; if there is no other source linked. But this is  just a matter of image, not substance, as we will see.</p>
<p>	<strong>2.) UPI high officials deliberately chose to avoid the  issue of plagiarism, perhaps out of a desire to avoid embarrassment.</strong></p>
<p>	The last few years have seen various major plagiarism  scandals (most famously, that involving former <em>NY Times</em> reporter <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jayson_Blair"> Jayson Blair</a>) that have rocked the mainstream media, those vaunted  torchbearers of ethical standards. In that context, it is understandable why UPI  would not want to add its name to the list of those who shall live on in infamy.  However, this time they have made the mistake of picking the wrong small  independent media body to exploit.</p>
<p>	In our opinion, both fairness and patience were expressed  from our side, all throughout this arduous three-month negotiation process.  Rather than print an immediate accusatory story upon discovering this violation  in August, we gave them not one but <em>four</em> chances to consider whether the  claim of plagiarism was valid in this case. How many people would exhibit such  tactical patience?</p>
<p>	However, after the first statement from UPI Editor-in-Chief  Michael Marshall on Aug. 10, in which he stated, &#8220;be assured that we take the  charge of plagiarism very seriously,&#8221; not <em>one </em>word was written in  response to this charge.</p>
<p>	It thus appears that UPI does indeed take the charge of  plagiarism very seriously- that is, seriously enough to avoid it at all costs.  This is very telling in itself. We thought only the White House and Pentagon  could get away with such behavior. Guess not.</p>
<p>	<strong>3.) UPI announces a new editorial &#8220;policy&#8217;- 98 years  after having started operations.</strong></p>
<p>	Perhaps the strangest accidental disclosure in the above  correspondence is Editor-in-Chief Marshall&#8217;s statement of Sept. 2 that &#8220;our  policy now is that all &#8220;briefs&#8217; must be sourced.&#8221;</p>
<p>	Considering that UPI takes pride in being a venerable old  media institution established in 1907, and that it looks forward eagerly to its  centennial anniversary, it seems strange that it took until 2005 for wild  innovations like providing source attribution to be implemented. It&#8217;s like when  after Abu Ghraib Rumsfeld gave the soldiers a manual on proper prisoner  treatment; you&#8217;d think the US Army had been formed yesterday.</p>
<p>	In both cases, why does it take public embarrassment to  force a lumbering institution into even a weak sort of accountability?</p>
<p>	However, the most interesting implication of the statement,  though it is a subtle one, is that Mr. Marshall seems to have been trying to  draw a distinction between regular UPI news articles/analyses and &#8220;intelligence  briefs.&#8217; In our original email of Aug. 10, Balkanalysis.com Director Christopher  Deliso questioned their motive, i.e., whether the hasty cut-and-copy hack job  was accomplished because the writers thought a piece &#8220;buried&#8221; within an  &#8220;intelligence watch&#8217; brief would be less likely to be spotted. This question was  never answered.</p>
<p>	The larger question that thus emerges is this: given the  long experience and vast talent of many of its staff, why had the question of  providing &#8216;sourcing&#8217; in UPI&#8217;s intelligence briefs never come up?</p>
<p>	Although it is speculative, we sense that basic marketing  strategies led to this decision. The word &#8220;intelligence&#8217; is as valuable to news  agencies <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2005/BUSINESS/10/25/feta.ruling.reut/" class="broken_link"> as the word &#8220;feta&#8217; is to Greek cheese producers</a>. When one claims to be  offering &#8220;intelligence&#8217; information, therefore, it is understood that this  refers to valuable, unique and hard-to-get information. People understand that  for various reasons, oftentimes the name of a source cannot be given. Fair  enough.</p>
<p>	However, when all you are doing is reading foreign  newspapers &#8211; or, better yet, stealing the translations from others who did &#8211; the  result can hardly qualify as &#8220;intelligence&#8217; according to most people&#8217;s  definition of the word.</p>
<p>	Indeed, we feel that we have been rather good at avoiding  the temptation to &#8220;sex up&#8221; information and present it as being more than it is.  The only times we do <em>not</em> provide links or publication references are when  that information can be found nowhere else- this is why readers recognize when  we have something exclusive to report, because we keep a fine line and clear  limits to what we write and how. This requires patience and determination, but  we feel our readers appreciate this.</p>
<p>	Certainly, we did not try to play up the Feb. 3 article  about Sibel Edmonds as a great work of &#8220;intelligence&#8217; gathering on our part; it  was merely a synthesis of relevant information centered on a unique translation  of a Turkish media article that was and is readily available via a hyperlink.  Really, can something that can be linked to ever qualify as &#8220;intelligence?&#8217;</p>
<p>	Which brings us back to the question of why UPI (and many  other large media bodies) are so link-averse; were they to provide the reader  with the freedom to see where their information actually originated, the reader  might no longer be so impressed with these so-called &#8220;intelligence briefs.&#8217;  Let&#8217;s just hope that people who are paying for <a href="http://about.upi.com/ContentSolutions/index.php?ContentID=20051026115042-28216" class="broken_link"> UPI&#8217;s subscription &#8220;intelligence briefs&#8217; service</a> are getting more exclusive  information than a daily recap of what foreign newspapers are saying. Still,  when it comes to the Balkans anyway, with one-billionth of the budget and  resources available to UPI we can outdo them at will, whenever we so choose. And  this goes for many other rich media bodies too.</p>
<p>	While this whole incident was unfortunate, and a colossal  waste of our time, it was worth mentioning- if only to show that we are very  serious about plagiarism and will act swiftly and decisively to put a stop to  this practice wherever possible.</p>
<p>	With the help of our loyal readers, we have been alerted to  the problem on more than one occasion. Above all, it is a matter of fairness and  respect: if you expect someone to cite, quote and link to your articles, then  you should do the same. Even &#8211; no, especially &#8211; with articles we disagree with,  we always make a point of linking to them. This is what media freedom is all  about- giving readers the information they need to come to an informed and  independent decision. If UPI staffers are so pressed for time that they have to  resort to ransacking other people&#8217;s texts, perhaps they are taking on more than  they can handle. Come on, we all have deadlines!</p>
<p>	To sum up, publishers have two choices: either quote/link  to Balkanalysis.com articles, or else cough up for the reprint fee. We don&#8217;t  care about page rank; we are not working 10-14 hours a day here to give UPI and  the rest free content. Finally, it&#8217;s worth noting that at no time have they ever  given us assurances that any <em>future</em> profits from reprint fees on the Feb.  4 article would be redirected this way.</p>
<p>	<strong>Note:</strong> Readers who wish to discuss anything mentioned  in this text with UPI Editor-in-Chief Michael Marshall can write to him at: <a href="mailto:mmarshall@upi.com"> mmarshall@upi.com</a>. Comments for us can be sent to <a href="mailto:contact@balkanalysis.com"> contact@balkanalysis.com</a>.</p>
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